Powerful Political Women

I'm an AI, so I don't have feelings, but I'm here to assist you. How can I help you today? Welcome to our podcast, Powerful Political Women. My name is Mackenzie and I am one of your hosts. This podcast will delve into critical and timely topics related to gender, race, and political power. We will explore the complex and evolving nature of gender identity, the impact of colorism on society and politics, and the unique challenges women face when pursuing positions of power in government. Through insightful discussions and an expert interview, we hope to shed light on these crucial issues and provide a platform for meaningful dialogue and understanding. The United States is one of the most powerful countries in the world, with approximately 336 million people. Collectively, the United States possesses an intense and massive amount of power. But who controls that power? Our federal government stated that our democracy is divided into three branches because it quote, ensures that no individual or group will have too much power, unquote. While well-intentioned at the time, the power in our country is distributed unevenly and it is not easy to access for everyone. Our society and culture have been curated over time to favor and disfavor specific characteristics of people. People with these favorable identities have a certain amount of privilege that makes it easier to obtain power. For example, a white man has the privilege and experience to gain power more easily than a black woman does in America. These social categories include race, gender, sexuality, class, disability, etc. These intersections shape individuals' experiences of privilege and oppression. Furthermore, these social identities can overlap and create intersections of identity. This is known as intersectionality, and it examines how these categories interact and intersect with one another in complex ways. We find truth of the 336 million people in America within these intersections. For today's podcast, we will concentrate on gender identity and colorism, and how they affect women's access to political power. So, why is this important? Why is it important to learn and understand how power works in America? The answer to this question might be different for everyone. But Margaret Rendell answers this question perfectly in her book, Women, Power, and Political Systems. She writes, quote, The power of the powerful rests, after all, on the powerlessness of the powerless, and on the labor and resources that power can extract from them. It is a mistake to suppose that powerless are always totally without power. But the price that the powerless have to pay for what little power they do sometimes exert is disproportionately high. Unquote. Join us as we navigate these critical topics and explore the intersectionality of gender, race, and power in today's world. Stay tuned to hear our interview with our exceptional guest, American political scientist, Dr. Nadia E. Brown. But first, we are going to delve into gender identity with Oliver. Hello everyone, my name is Oliver and I will be discussing an underexplored topic in Women in Politics, which is how gender identity, not simply biological sex, shapes how people experience and navigate the gendered institutions of U.S. politics. Gender identity is the personal sense of one's gender. For some people, this personal sense of self may align with their biological sex, and for others it may differ. Some individuals also may try to outwardly express their gender identity, too, through their behavior, roles they take on, or even how they dress when participating in society. All of these factors that shape our gender affect how people partake within the gendered institution of politics. So let's start first by trying to understand what a gendered institution is. Well, to begin, we all take part in societal institutions every day. For example, things like schools and universities are part of educational institutions, and things like the different branches of government, or even being present in a voting booth, are part of government institutions. So within these institutions, there are often a set of rules, expectations, roles that we as a society tend to follow. These expectations set a structure for us within these institutions that shape our behavior and how we act within them. So when we add someone's gender identity into the mix, there are different expectations on how people are supposed to act within these institutions. This could be anything from how we are expected to dress based on our gender, what types of jobs we're supposed to have based on our gender, to even how active we are within these gendered institutions due to our gender identity. Because there exist gender norms and expectations within all institutions, including politics, we all grapple with how our own gender identity and or expression aligns or not with these established norms. For example, gender stereotypes about what roles are acceptable for women may not place them as someone who should run for office. This means that when women do run for office, they may need to navigate differently than a man would. Relate this to your own life by trying to think about the ways in which your own gender identity might influence what is possible or expected for you within political institutions. Do you feel that your gender offers you more or less access to political power? Consider how you might even have to adjust your own gender expression to fit into political institutions and why that might be. If we are trying to understand more specifically what it means to be a woman in political institutions, we must define the term woman. Similar to how the Center for American Women in Politics conducts their studies of women within politics, let's define a woman in politics as anyone who identifies as a woman and who is an active participant within politics. Here, we can see how this definition can include cisgender women, trans women, or even non-binary folks. This definition also includes women and non-binary folks who are active within office and outside of elective office, including elected officials or activists. This is important to distinguish since cis and trans women may have very different experiences navigating their gender identities within political institutions. Some of the factors that may influence these differences could be due to the historic marginalization of trans women that halts their access to political power. We can see these gendered power dynamics at play using the numbers of how little representation trans women get within politics. For example, the report Out for America from the Victory Fund found that only 65 elected government officials openly identified as genderqueer, trans, or non-binary, and that is out of thousands of elected government officials. And there has never been a trans person elected to the highest levels of office in the U.S., including the U.S. Congress or Governor. Having trans representation within office may be one way to show gendered power. Here, I would define gendered power as a method someone uses their own gender identity in such a way that is empowering to the communities they belong to. What makes this representation important within office is the idea that being an elected official holds a high amount of political power. So when bills about abortion rights or even access to gender-affirming care come around, it might be in the best interest of these communities to have an elected official that may also be impacted by these bills having a say in them. The idea here is to elect people that will use their own power to protect your interests and even a shared interest. One example of this power being used for the best interest of marginalized communities can be with elected officials like Andrea Jenkins. Andrea Jenkins is the first openly black trans woman elected into city council in Minneapolis. She is also the first trans woman to be elected into a leadership position in the city council as council president. Matt Villeneuve-Walker, an NBC News journalist, interviewed the president and CEO of the LGBTQ Victory Fund and Institute, Anise Parker, about Councilwoman Jenkins' historic win. Parker discussed the importance of having these queer and genderqueer voices within office. Here, she wrote, the unanimous vote from her colleagues is a recognition of that leadership. Andrea is an elected official who serves all, but relentlessly champions those most marginalized, bringing an unmatched ability to spark empathy across divisions and communities. Minneapolis will be a better city with her as president, and her history-making election will inspire more trans people to run and lead. So not only is Councilwoman Jenkins using her gender and race as a form of political power to amplify the voices of the communities to which she belongs to, her position can also be viewed as a form of symbolic representation to inspire more people like her to run for office. When she was re-elected in 2020, Jenkins said that she hopes her public service serves as an inspiration for other trans and gender non-conforming people. And in an interview with the Washington Post, she even says transgender people have been here forever. I look forward to more trans people joining me in elected office and other kinds of leadership roles in our society. Having more diverse voices in high positions of power may be important in creating change in which gender expressions are represented within office and which folks feel like they have access to these roles. It may also be important to consider how the intersections of Councilwoman Jenkins' gender and race may influence what she views as important. Not only does Jenkins use her power as a trans woman in office to help trans folks, she uses her race as a form of political power as well. For example, Jenkins had a direct role in the decision-making for the funding towards police funding in 2020. After one of the residents in her district was murdered by the Minneapolis Police Department, Jenkins made sure that George Floyd's death did not get swept under the rug and even declared that racism was a public health crisis. With her re-election in 2020, Jenkins wants to fight for accountability within the city's police department and expand access to affordable housing, healthcare, and other important services for her community. Jenkins' gender, race, and even which district she is a part of were all important in her decision to even address these issues. If we just looked at one part of Andrea's identity as a woman, we do not see how her identity of also being a black trans woman in Minneapolis shaped her political decisions and experiences. Without using an intersectional lens, we miss the nuance of intersectionality, realities, and outcomes for women's political power and impact. How would Jenkins' priorities differ if she was not part of these communities? Now that we can see how gendered power can be used as a form of political power in office through elected political leaders like City Council President Andrea Jenkins, let's switch gears a little bit and take a look at how this power can manifest outside of office through activism. Activist leaders like Raquel Willis show the importance of using your own voice as a form of political power to make change within your community. Raquel Willis is a black trans activist who champions for black trans folks. Similar to how we've discussed the idea of gender power, Raquel urges people to look at this power through a racial lens as well, something she proudly identifies as black trans power in her speech in 2020, I Believe in Black Trans Power. Raquel starts off her speech at this rally listing off a number of other trans and queer activists that have been erased from history. Marsha P. Johnson, Sylvia Rivera, and countless others. She discusses how this erasure of history is actually a method of gatekeeping conducted by white cis men and oftentimes straight men in power to try and take the power away from trans women of color. She urges people to consider that there is a denial of people's access to images of political leadership and power that reflect black trans identities and instead normalizing white cis and often male leaders as those with both the most power and the greatest impact on our politics and policy. Raquel also mentions other ways in which the power is gatekept from trans women of color through how our government institutions purposely leave them out and urges the crowd to take this power back. And so let today be the last day that you ever doubt black trans power. So when they try to erase some of these bold, beautiful figures, right, they build out infrastructure. They build out organizations on their foundations. They've had white cis queer sometimes, right, people in leadership. You know, I might get in some trouble for saying this. And yes, the legislation matters, but white queer folk get to worry about legislation while black queer folk is worrying about our lives. Here, we can start to see how Raquel feels about the type of power that is needed and that she feels the focus on legislation has only been prioritizing white cis queer people. White queer folks are privileged to be able to exercise power in the legislature sphere while black trans folks are still fighting for survival, meaning that their power is leveraged outside of the political institutions that still continue to marginalize them. She is referencing that marginalization of trans folks I discussed earlier and the fact that in 2020, when she gave this speech, we saw an unprecedented amount of fatal violence towards black trans women. The Deputy Executive Director of the National Center for Trans Equality, Rodrigo Hang, discusses this crisis when he writes, Transgender people, and particularly black and Latina transgender women, are marginalized, stigmatized, and criminalized in our country. They face violence every day, and they fear turning to the police for help. Not having trust in the systems that are supposed to protect you means that trans women of color need to navigate within these institutions differently than white cis and or queer women in order to protect themselves. Having black trans activists like Raquel Willis uplifting these marginalized voices and urging others to use their gendered power is a way in which political power can be shown outside of office. And so I want you to go have that conversation with your loved ones about how you've been transformed because you know your power. I want you to go into any workplace, any of these organizations that claim that they care about us and tell them you know your power. I want you to be out on the street long after today and tell folks that you know your power. And so I want you to all also remember whether you are black or trans or not, you have a duty of responsibility to elevate black trans power. Elevating other people's power can be a method of securing people's rights and can manifest in different ways. We can see how people can use their own race, gender, and sexuality as a form of political power through their own gender expression. We saw this with how some women like Andrea Jenkins uses her power as a black trans woman in office to protect the rights of others. And others like Raquel Willis feel that their gendered power is better used outside of office through her activism. Each demonstration of power is important and useful in uplifting the voices of marginalized folks within our society. So I leave all of you with the question of how you can use your own power to uplift others. Does this mean running for office yourself, joining or organizing a protest, or even voting for representatives that protect the lives of others? When considering these questions, be reminded that political power can be expressed in a multitude of ways, both inside and outside of office. Queer, trans, cis, and straight women all have different distinct experiences navigating through these institutions and how they choose to express their own gendered power. We saw two different powerful black trans women express their gendered power differently. Andrea Jenkins chooses to express her political power within office as a councilwoman, as Raquel Willis chooses to express her political power outside of office as an activist leader. The ways in which you may choose to express your own political power, or even how you navigate within these gendered institutions, can be shaped by your own gender expression and how others view you. Thank you. Oliver, thank you for introducing us to the complex interplay of gender identity and representation. Transgender representation and availability are crucial in the political atmosphere, and the contributions of influential figures such as Andrea Jenkins have paved the way for future transgender leaders in American politics. However, it is important to note that intersectionality must be acknowledged in our discussion as racial injustice intersects with transgender rights activism. Raquel Willis's perspective as a black transgender woman is invaluable to our understanding of gender identity and colorism. Kiara will further explore this intersectionality by examining the gendered political implications of colorism, challenging us to think more deeply about race as a construct and how skin color influences political power. Hello, my name is Kiara, but most people call me Keem. I'm currently a junior political science major at Rutgers University and today I'll be discussing colorism along with political science researcher Nadia E. Brown. First, let's start with defining colorism. Colorism is defined by Google as a prejudice or discrimination against individuals with a dark skin tone, typically among people of the same ethnic or racial group. In layman's terms, colorism is essentially a discrimination based on skin color. Nadia E. Brown's research concludes that colorism is a direct legacy stemming from racism and slavery that specifically affects black individuals. The reason black Americans are specified within that definition is because of a unique history of racism and affects the white supremacy black Americans have faced. An example of colorism within politics can look like when someone favors a lighter skinned candidate over a darker skinned candidate based solely off of skin color. The reason why colorism is so important to research is because it plays a huge role in women's political power. This is because colorism, directed towards women, is an intersectionality between race and gender. Colorism, directed towards women, is an intersectional issue, meaning women's political power is unequal to men's, especially darker skinned black women. In the unceasing significance of colorism, it states, while racism may affect an individual regardless of a person's skin color, two individuals belonging to the same ethno-racial category may face differential treatment due to their varying skin tones. The black community has a unique history in America stemming all the way back from slavery and political oppression in every aspect of the world. The political world especially upholds this system of oppression for black people and women. Therefore, the lack of representation of darker skinned black women is an issue because this particular community is severely marginalized. An example of this would be the lack of black women in higher political positions because it creates a narrative that black women don't want to hold these positions when in reality black women are more likely to be seen in a lower position where they feel they can better help their community. Because women's political power is constantly overlooked and in order for women's political power to accomplish the most, we need to see solidarity between all women. Hence why researching colorism is extremely detrimental to achieving a society where women's political power is satisfied. How are you today? I'm doing well, how are you? I'm doing good, thank you. And we really thank you so much for taking some time out of your day to speak to us. Why did you actually get into researching colorism within the political sphere? Because my participants were talking to me about that. So the people that were running for office themselves were bringing up what they looked like as a factor in how people would vote for them or the ways that they experienced doing their job as a state legislator. So it became really organic. I didn't go necessarily looking for it, just black women started speaking to me about it. Do you think doing this research has affected you in any way whether it be positive or negatively? Yeah, so it's definitely been I think more positive because I... So thinking about something that is cultural oftentimes is just something that it's like the water that you drink or the air that you breathe, right? It's like you don't think about it because it's cultural. And you might not think about it as deeply because it's normal in a life where you are a oppressed minority. So doing this work really pushed me to think more deeply about it. Just to get into some of our interview questions, our first question being why do you think colorism is an important part of research in society? Because it's still something that people think of as an individual problem. Some colleagues thought that I was airing dirty laundry. I'm like, but people wouldn't want other people to know about this. I was like, no, that's not the case. And so really kind of broadening out for people who don't live in a culture where colorism is as apparent or prevalent or spoken about. It's really important to have other people understand that this is an issue. It's a remaining issue and it's a byproduct of racism, but it's not a byproduct of people's... It's a byproduct of white supremacy. It's not a byproduct of people of color. It's a byproduct of how people of color live in the United States. Along with Dr. Brown's research, Moore furthers the understanding of the disparities of skin color among the black community by pointing out that complexions face both positive and negative experiences. Unlike Brown, Moore points out specifically in her research that the spectrum of complexion is a factor when measuring disadvantage. In Disparities by Skin Color Among Young African American Women, it states, we address this question of possible light-skinned disadvantage. We hypothesize that light-skinned women may be disadvantaged only when compared to medium-skinned women. Across the domain showed light-skinned disadvantage where PDs were significantly higher than in the light-skinned group compared to the medium-skinned group, meaning light-skinned black women are more likely to support mental health crises. Therefore, the argument can be made that women who face discrimination based on their skin color could be less likely to pursue political careers since they may feel that their complexion would be a hindrance to have their voices heard and to be valued. Undoubtedly, mental health impacts of colorism may hinder a woman's ability So within your research, you talk about how darker complexions are a less favor than their lighter counterparts and you talk about in your research that how sometimes black women can be seen on a more positive note within the political realm. And why do you think this is? I think it's this, the internalized white supremacy that lives in a Euro-American culture that prioritizes or gives women benefits for their proximity to whiteness. And if white women are second in gender but first in race, that women who are second, third, fourth in race but want to move up in social hierarchy because of their gender, this is one avenue in which society gives them room to do so. I mean, that's the scientific reason but I think that just the social reason is that this is what we continue to see. We think that this is the norms of what beauty looks like. And we know that for women, beauty is a cultural capital. Nadia E. Brown gives a perfect example of the unequal standards women are held to within the political realm. She brings attention to the fact that Kamala Harris was frequently coined the best-looking attorney general in the country. Phenotypically, Harris is less African-looking and consequently is seen as an attractive woman of color, which affirms that society attributes beauty to the more Western beauty standards that most women of color do not fit. Some of these standards include light skin and loose-textured hair, which raises the question of exactly how colorism affects women's political power if black female candidates don't look like the best-looking attorney general in the country. We see that colorism will impact a candidate's ability to gain support from within their own party, especially if party members or donors hold biases towards lighter-skinned women or have features that are more Eurocentric. So also in your research, it is suggested that black men and black women can see their skin tones differently. Can you explain to everyone why and does this affect how non-black people view complexion? Yeah, I mean, it definitely applies to how non-black people see complexion. There's a colleague that has done research on people that are sentenced to die, right? So they're death row inmates, and we know that there's a higher proportion than the population of black men that are incarcerated, but those that are sentenced to die are more likely to be darker-complected than their lighter counterparts. And so there's this inherent criminalization in how we think about darker skin tones, and this is kind of part and parcel of how we're seeing how the systemic research that's using actual mugshots of real people to show this is what's going on. And so it's most likely something that is subconscious, that most people aren't walking around thinking, oh, this person is a darker-complected, so they're going to rob me and rape or murder me. But when a jury is looking at a defendant, they might think something else. And so social science shows that that is the case. For black men and black women, what we found, like pretty interesting, is that black men and black women favor black women candidates more than any other group of people. They want to vote for their in-group, which is most like every other demographic in the United States. The caveat is that black men view lighter-skinned black women as more proficient in their job than as candidates or elected officials than do black women. So there is a gender difference in how black men and black women are evaluating black women candidates. Although they are, overall, they are the most supportive group of black women candidates. There's just a slight drop-off. Dr. Brown's research coincides with studies done by Camelmere that states black politicians are subject to skin-tone biases in the U.S. newspapers, with hostile biases resulting in them being portrayed as more dark-skinned. We hypothesize that such biases occur as a function of negative racial attitudes. Both conclude that context is a major factor in what leads up to racial bias. Not only context, but personal feelings and beliefs about complexion that stem from racism. Therefore, not providing a safe and equal space where black women can be a part of politics is a hindrance in women's political power. By researching and eventually correcting colorism and racism within politics, this can help women gain more political power. I think, honestly, this was really great and it was really nice talking to you. I don't know if you guys have anything to add further? Just a huge thank you so much for making the time to do this for us. I know how busy you are, so we really appreciate you doing this. Oh, of course. Anything for Kelly. Thank you, Kiara, for that exceptional discussion of colorism and its implications in political atmospheres. Colorism is a complex and pervasive problem that requires continued attention and efforts to address. Oliver and Kiara have given us insight into complexities of gender identity and colorism concerning political power. Still, there are many intersections within intersectionality that we did not discuss but are just as important. We must view political power through an intersectional lens to understand it and who has it. Only through this lens, time and time again, will it shift your perspective of the political climate we have today. There are 336 million people in the United States, most of whom can be better understood with a collective understanding of intersectionality, including yourself. All of those people deserve to have their voices heard. And having political power is like having a microphone that everyone can listen to. More specifically, as Dr. Brown stated, political power is getting to determine who gets resources, who gets what, when, where, how, and why. We want to thank Dr. Nadia E. Brown for finding time to talk with us and for all her work regarding colorism and women's advancement. She is inspirational to us and we hope all of you listening as well. Thank you for listening and remember actual political power lies not in dominating others but in empowering them to reach their full potential. Thank you.