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This Week in Palestine offers news from a Palestinian perspective. The following hour may contain views that do not necessarily reflect those of WZBC, Boston College, or its Board of Trustees. You're listening to This Week in Palestine. I'm your host, Anne Lucas. On the 28th of November, 2024, the Oxford Union debated the following motion. This House believes that Israel is an apartheid state responsible for genocide. The Oxford Union is one of the oldest and most prestigious debating societies in the English-speaking world, and it is, of course, in Oxford, England. If the idea of a prestigious debate club sounds foreign to you, that just means you aren't in the UK. Because the UK definitely values the art of debating an artful argument in a way I don't think we Americans do. They also seem to value decorum and rules of order in a way most Americans do not. But following all the rules of decorum, while also getting under your opponent's skin, is both a skill and an art. And that's a really cool thing to hear in formal debates across the pond. It's the rhetorical version of fighting with one hand tied behind your back. It's more impressive when you win in that condition. So the Oxford Union embodies this culture of debate, but also of free speech. Historically, there is no topic too taboo or too controversial to debate at the Oxford Union. It was actually founded because the University of Oxford limited the topics students could debate. So having no limits on what can be debated, argued, and discussed is the whole reason it exists. Given that history, it's not so surprising that they took up the question of Israeli apartheid and genocide. And in the end, the motion was overwhelmingly adopted, 278 votes in favor and 59 against. And this turned the debate into an international sensation, with video clips of the different speakers bouncing around all over social media. I suspect many people listening to me now have already heard various clips from it. But for this show, I wanted to share three arguments in their entirety that won the day. First, we will hear from Mohamed Abkoud. He is an award-winning poet, writer, journalist, and organizer from Jerusalem and occupied Palestine. Then we will hear from Niko Pemins. Niko is famously a Zionist American Israeli turned anti-apartheid activist. He had this transformation after a member of his family was killed in a suicide bombing during the First Intifada. And he has been an international speaker on Israeli apartheid ever since. Finally, we will hear from Susan Abduhawa. Susan is a Palestinian novelist, poet, essayist, and activist. Some know Susan from her novels like Against a Loveless World and Mourning in Jenin. Others know her as a human rights activist, yet others know her as an animal rights activist. And by the way, she is also a mother and a scientist. Susan's statements at the debate were the most shared of any. They were shared mostly in shorter clips. The Oxford Union actually shared a full version of her comments, but that full version is no longer available to the public. The version you can see now on their YouTube channel is missing about a minute of content edited out from various points in her comments. So this moment challenged the Oxford Union's commitment to free speech, but also to quorum. On this show, you will hear all speakers' arguments in full with no edits. And that means you will hear the Zionist side yelling and interrupting at certain times. But the statements are even more powerful with the interruptions, and I am glad to preserve it all in its original form here on This Week in Palestine. We have a lot to listen to, so yalla mina, let's go! Thank you, I mean you can keep going if you want, but it's good to be here in the Oxford Union, although it doesn't really look like a union. You guys don't look very proletariat. I recently found out this is not a union, but a member society, so I wore a suit, first time. I didn't even wear it to a friend's wedding, so this is a special occasion, but you do what you gotta do. I want to thank you for having us, and I won't be long. Personally, I don't think there is any room for debate in the presence of burning flesh. I don't think there is any room for side conversations while people are being literally burnt alive and incinerated. The mere notion that we can sit here and ponder and pontificate about a real, live-streamed genocide happening in real time is so arrogant, it's so insensitive, it's so cruel, and it's absurd. The question is, what more do we all need to see to be convinced that this is a genocidal regime waging a genocidal war? Have we not seen enough fathers carrying their children's limbs, their children's remains in shoeboxes and plastic bags? What more images of cruelty must we see to contend with the fact that not only is this a genocide committed by the Israeli regime, but that this very empire is funding it and facilitating it and coddling it? And also, if we're really going to talk about debate, our opponents, the Zionists, never ever talk about the heart of the issue, which shards them with genocide, which shards them with apartheid, and they tell us, you want to throw Jews into the sea, you want to throw gays from the Eiffel Tower, you want to kill all your women, you beat women, you're misogynistic, you're so on. They say to us, it's the only Jewish state in the world, it's a small country, can you pin it on a map? Why do you single out Israel? They tell us if the Palestinians laid down their weapons, they would be peaceful, if we laid down our weapons, we would be killed. They tell us this, they tell us all kinds of propaganda, simplistic, stupid, silly propaganda points that can be easily repeated by anybody, anywhere, but all of these talking points are not new, they haven't even invented them, they are recycled colonial talking points. We heard them from white Afrikaners, we heard them in Rhodesia, we heard them all over the world from white supremacists, when slavery was getting abolished, when Jim Crow was getting abolished. What happened to the settlers? What happened to the slave owners? What happened to the prison guards? We hear these arguments over and over again, and their arguments to us are always about hypotheticals, about what could possibly happen in the near future, it's about sentiment, about what I feel inside my heart, what I may say about my language, about the offensive things I say. It's never about the material, policy-backed, systemic things that the Israeli country of genocide commits, the policy-backed discrimination, subjugation, police brutality, ethnic cleansing, possession, land theft, decapitation of children. We have seen in the past year children hanging, their limbs hanging from ceiling fans. We have seen brothers carrying their siblings in their backpacks, walking around for miles on end. Even before October 7th, my very house was stolen and taken by Israeli settlers, backed by the Israeli judiciary that is built by settlers and for settlers on the skeletons of Palestinians, and funded by tax-exempt... You can sit down. By tax-exempt... By... By tax-exempt... You can sit down also. You can all just sit down. Yes, just sit down. Just sit down. By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... By tax-exempt... 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and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, So perhaps the motion should have been phrased differently. What separates us from them? It's not a legal definition. It's not a particular law. It's values. I'll give you an example. Let's assume that Hamas has a base under a hospital with missiles. Let's assume that Hamas is the devil. Never mind Hamas. The devil is there. Does it justify harming a child? Does it justify harming a child? Does it justify killing a civilian? This is where you draw the line. Somebody talked here about red lines. And this speaks to the young lady that spoke here just a minute ago. It's a question of values. If it means harming the hair on the head of a child, you do not do it. That's it. That is, that is the difference between the two sides. They say, kill the child, kill a thousand children, kill a hundred thousand children. We say, you do not harm a child. That's the difference. That's what this is about. And that leads us to the next step in this argument. Terrorism. What is terrorism? What is heroism? How do we define them? I'm often asked, as many of my colleagues here, do you condemn the Palestinians? Do you condemn the Palestinians? And I'm sure many of you have had these conversations, or at least heard these conversations. Do you condemn the Palestinians in Gaza? The Gaza Strip is a concentration camp that was created by the Zionists almost as soon as the Zionist apartheid state was established. It was created by them as a concentration camp into which they herded hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the southern part of Palestine as the ethnic cleansing campaign was going along. It's a concentration camp. Palestinians have been living in that concentration camp for more than seven decades. The vast majority of Palestinian resistance to the apartheid, to the ethnic cleansing, to the massacres, to the killing, has been on arms. The Gaza concentration camp, pre-October 7, this was a luxury. This was a luxury. The idea that there would be a glass of water half full and there would be no need, no sense of urgency to drink it, this was a luxury. So then, after decades upon decades of existing within this concentration camp and Israeli terrorist attacks, massive massacres in the Gaza Strip, in the Gaza concentration camp, which began, by the way, almost as soon as the concentration camp was created, massacres upon massacres, every year the weapons become more effective, different weapon systems, more dead and more dead and more dead, for decades. And then on October 7 of last year, Palestinian fighters came out of this concentration camp, one of the poorest and most oppressed regions in the world. They came by air, they came by sea, they came by land. They showed once again that the entire Israeli military apparatus, the entire Israeli intelligence apparatus is no more than a paper tiger. They practically liberated half of Palestine, they took over 20 Israeli settlements, they took over a massive military base. They disrupted the apartheid state, they shut it down. And we're out there protesting, many of us, what is the call? If we don't get justice, shut it down. They shut it down. They paralyzed the apartheid state. That's what we called, that's what we've been calling for, and they did exactly what was called for. Sit down, not now, not now, sit down, no. I said no, I said no. They paralyzed the apartheid state. No, but you said that in this case, we're going to take a single charge. I apologize, can we take a single charge? They paralyzed the apartheid state. Excuse me, can you take your point of order? Please take your point of order. This is not a point of order. Please take your point of order, it's not a point of order. A point of order can only be made by... I will, I will, I'm happy, I will... Can you take your point of order? Terrorism is what followed the vengeance, the sadistic cruelty of the Israeli response is terrorism. What Palestinians have been living through is terrorism, I'm happy. Terrorism is what Palestinians have been experiencing since the apartheid state was established. That is terrorism. Kibbutz Bahrain was one of the settlements that was taken and was in the news. Ladies and gentlemen, please remind the opposition that this is not the West Bank and you do not have the right to, you know, order us around or threaten us. Thank you. You know, I will, I will, I will say, I will respond to that as being a privileged Israeli, when I'm in the West Bank, I'm not bossed around. This only applies to Palestinians. In the apartheid state, I am on the privileged side. So, thank you for that, but it does not apply to me. The issue of Kibbutz Bahrain. I grew up, I had relatives on Kibbutz Bahrain, so I used to go there in summers and on holidays. And it's three or four kilometers from the Gaza concentration camp. My entire youth I would go there, play with my cousins. Never once, never once, not even once, had anybody talked about the fact that there's a concentration camp three kilometers away. Not once. Not once did anybody talk about the fact that the people who live in that concentration camp, their land was stolen, their water was stolen, we are on their land, we have taken their resources. People say the Nakab is a desert, it's nothing. The Nakab is a desert that was inhabited by Palestinian Bedouins who are farmers. The reason Israeli settlements in the Nakab are so successful, are so prosperous, is because the land there is prosperous. Not once did anybody remember the fact that we stole that land and it belongs to the people over there. And by the way, why are they living in a concentration camp? And I would ask from time to time, what's wrong with these Arabs? Why are they living in such crowded areas? Why is it so crowded in the Gaza Strip? What's wrong with them? Nothing is wrong with them. What's wrong is the apartheid state. And by the way, the definition of the crime of genocide was largely as a result of the genocide of the Jews in Europe. I'm reading Raphael Lemkin, who coined the phrase genocide right now. Three years after the end of the genocide of the Jews in Europe, this country, this country, along with many others, allowed for a genocide to take place in Palestine, allowed for an apartheid regime to take place in Palestine, and allowed for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in Palestine. Three short years after the end of the genocide of the Jews, and the definition, the creation of this new law, of this new definition of the crime of genocide. The motion is not about this law or that law. The motion is about values. That's what it's about. It's about double standard. That's the difference between the two sides here. You know, my first debate about the issue of apartheid actually took place in South Africa. I was in South Africa maybe ten years ago, and I was invited to an interview, kind of a debate, between myself and an Israeli Zionist who was brought for that purpose. And we were sitting there, and the host, who was a black South African, asked me, so how is Israel an apartheid state, which of course was very easy to explain. And I did. And then he looked over at the other guest, and he said, how is it not an apartheid state? And the other person opened his mouth, and for maybe thirty seconds did not utter a word. And thirty seconds on live television is like hours. He had nothing to say. He had nothing to say because it's an apartheid state. So I don't know what is worse for – sit down – I don't know what is worse for the Zionists, the gaping mouth of that one Zionist, or these people sitting here trying to justify and excuse and pretend that there is no apartheid. So I find myself here, quite frankly, honored to be here at this very respectable forum, but I'm also extremely saddened, like my brother Mohammad, that we are still discussing this after almost eight decades of these heinous crimes perpetrated against the Palestinians. We're still debating this, rather than debating how quickly we can dismantle apartheid and how quickly we can allow for a free, democratic Palestine to be established from the river to the sea. That's the conversation that we should be having. I'm saddened by the fact that my Palestinian sisters and brothers still have to see their families, their people, their nation being exterminated by the Zionist states. Weapons coming from here, weapons coming from the United States, diplomatic cover, and very little being done to stop it. And I'm also, I have to say, very saddened to see Palestinians sitting here who have been reduced to becoming traitors and collaborators with their own oppressors, with the Zionist oppressors. So let me read a few things to you. We talked about apartheid, yes or no. This is from the Amnesty report that came out almost three years ago. Whether they live in Gaza, Jerusalem, the West Bank, or what they call Israel, which is 1948 Palestine, Palestinians are treated as an inferior group and systematically deprived of their rights. The international community has an obligation to act. This room has an obligation to act. This is not a theory. This is not a theoretical academic conversation. There's a responsibility, an obligation, to act to end the crime, the heinous crime of apartheid. And there are recommendations at the end of the report which include sanctions, arms embargo, and the freezing of assets of the Zionist apartheid state. The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Francesca Albanese, recently published reports on apartheid where she says, she calls it the anatomy of genocide. The violence that Israel has unleashed against the Palestinians post-October 7th is not happening in a vacuum, but is part of a long-term, intentional, systematic, state-organized forced displacement and replacement of the Palestinian people. This trajectory risks causing irreparable prejudice to the very existence of the people of Palestine. The nature of the scale of Israel's assault on Gaza and the destructive conditions of life it has inflicted reveal, are you ready for this? Pay attention. Reveals an intent to physically destroy Palestinians as a group. There's no question that genocide is taking place. There's no question that apartheid, the crime of apartheid, is being perpetrated. There's no question that ethnic cleansing is taking place. In the recommendations, by the way, the rapporteur suggested immediately implementing an arms embargo, reparations, and to apply the Geneva Convention. I'm almost done. Once again, the way this House votes today will demonstrate this House's values. It's not about a legal definition. It's about values. Somebody mentioned the possibility of peace. There is a possibility for peace. I have no doubt about it. I wouldn't be doing what I do if I didn't firmly and completely believe in the possibility of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. The road to peace in Palestine, the path to peace in Palestine, is dismantling the apartheid state. And in order to do that, of course, sanctions have to be applied. And then the establishment of a free, democratic Palestine from the river to the sea. Vote and show and demonstrate what side you're on, what values you uphold. Thank you. Before I start, I will not be taking any points of information, so kindly refrain from interrupting me. Addressing the challenge of what to do about the indigenous inhabitants of the land, Chaim Weizmann, a Russian Jew, said to the World Zionist Congress in 1921 that Palestinians were akin to, quote, the rocks of Judea, obstacles that had to be cleared on a difficult path. David Grun, a Polish Jew who changed his name to David Ben-Gurion in order to sound relevant to the region, said, quote, we must expel the Arabs and take their places. There are thousands of such conversations among the early Zionists who plotted and implemented the violent colonization of Palestine and the annihilation of her native people. But they were only partially successful, murdering or ethnically cleansing 80% of the Palestinians, which meant that 20% of us remained, an enduring obstacle to their colonial fantasies, which became the subject of their obsessions in the decades that followed, especially after conquering what remained of Palestine in 1967. Zionists lamented our presence, and they debated publicly in all circles regarding what to do about us, about the Palestinian birth rate, about our babies, which they dubbed a demographic threat. Benny Morris, who was meant to be here originally, once publicly expressed that David Ben-Gurion, public regret, sorry, that David Ben-Gurion, quote, did not finish the job of getting rid of us all, which would have obviated what they referred to as the Arab problem. Benjamin Netanyahu, a Polish Jew whose real name is Benjamin Malachowski, bemoaned a missed opportunity during the 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising to expel large swaths of Palestinian population, quote, while the world's attention was focused on China. Some of their articulated solutions to the nuisance of our existence included a, quote, break their bones policy in the 1980s and 90s, which was ordered by Yitzhak Rubitsov, a Ukrainian Jew who changed his name to Yitzhak Rubin for the same reason. That horrific policy that crippled generations of Palestinians did not succeed in making us leave, and frustrated by Palestinian resilience, a new discourse arose, especially after a massive natural gas field was discovered off the coast of northern Gaza worth trillions of dollars. This new discourse is echoed in the words of Colonel Ifram Itan, who said in 2004, quote, we have to kill them all. Aaron Sofer, an Israeli so-called intellectual and political advisor, insisted in 2018 that, quote, we have to kill and kill and kill all day, every day. When I was in Gaza this year, I saw a little boy no more than nine years whose hands and part of his face had been blown off by a booby-trapped can of food that soldiers had left behind for Gaza's starving children. I later learned that they also had left poisoned food for people in Shijia. And in the 1980s and 90s, Israeli soldiers had left booby-trapped toys in southern Lebanon that exploded when excited children picked them up. The harm they do is diabolical, and yet they expect you to believe that they are the victims. Invoking Europe's Holocaust and screaming anti-Semitism, they expect you to suspend fundamental human reason to believe that the daily sniping of children with so-called kill shots, that the bombing of entire neighborhoods that bury families alive and wipe out whole bloodlines is self-defense. They want you to believe that a man who had not eaten a thing in over 72 hours, who kept fighting even when all he had was one functioning arm, that this man was motivated by some innate savagery and irrational hatred or jealousy of Jews, rather than the indomitable yearning to see his people free in their own homeland. It is clear to me that we are not here to debate whether Israel is an apartheid or genocidal state. This debate is ultimately about the worth of Palestinian lives. It's about the worth of our schools, our research centers, our books, our art. It's about the worth of the homes we worked all our lives to build and which contain memories of generations. It's about the worth of our humanity and our agency, of our bodies and our ambition. Because if the roles were reversed, if Palestinians had spent the last eight decades stealing Jewish homes, expelling, oppressing, imprisoning, poisoning, torturing, killing, raping them. If Palestinians had killed an estimated 300,000 Jews in one year, targeted their journalists, their thinkers, their healthcare workers, their athletes, their artists, bombed every Israeli hospital, university, library, museum, cultural center, synagogue, and simultaneously set up an observation platform where citizens came to watch their slaughter as if a tourist attraction. If Palestinians had corralled them by the hundreds of thousands into phlegm-y tents, bombed them in so-called safe zones, burned them alive, cut off their food and water and medicine. If Palestinians made their children wander barefoot with empty pots, made them gather the flesh of their parents into plastic bags, bury their siblings, their cousins, their friends, made them sneak out from their tents at night to sleep on their parents' graves, made them pray for death just to join their families and not be alone in this terrible world. If we terrorize them so utterly that their children lose their hair, lose their memory, lose their minds, and make those as young as four and five die of heart attacks. If we mercilessly force their NICU babies to die alone in hospital beds, crying until they could cry no more, died and decomposed in the same spot. If Palestinians used wheat flour, a truck, to lure starving Jews, then opened fire on them as they gathered to collect the day's bread. If Palestinians finally allowed a food delivery into a shelter with hungry Jews, then set fire to the entire shelter and a truck before anyone could taste a bite of the food. If a Palestinian sniper bragged about blowing out 42 Jewish kneecaps in one day as one Israeli soldier did in 2019. If a Palestinian admitted to CNN that he ran over hundreds of Jews with his tank, their squished flesh lingering in the tank treads. If Palestinians were systematically raping Jewish doctors, patients, and other captives with hot metal rods, jagged and electrified sticks, and fire extinguishers, sometimes raping them to death as happened with Dr. Adnan al-Bursh and others. If Jewish women were forced to give birth in filth, get C-sections or leg amputations without anesthesia. If we destroyed their children, then decorated our tanks with their toys. If we killed or displaced their women, then posed in their lingerie. If the world were watching the live-streamed, systematic annihilation of Jews in real time, there would be no debating whether that constituted terrorism or genocide. And yet... And yet, two Palestinians, myself and Mohammed Al-Ghord, showed up here to do just that. Enduring the indignity of debating those who think our only life choices should be to leave our homeland, submit to their supremacy, or die quietly and politely. But you would be wrong to think that I came to convince you of anything. This House resolution, though well-meaning and appreciated, is of little consequence in the midst of this Holocaust of our time. I came in the spirit of Malcolm X and Jimmy Baldwin, both of whom... Both of whom stood here and in Cambridge before I was born, facing finely-dressed, well-spoken monsters who harbored the same supremacist ideologies as Zionism. These notions of entitlement and privilege, of being divinely favored or blessed or chosen. I'm here for the sake of history, to speak to generations not yet born, and for the chronicles of this extraordinary time where the carpet-bombing of defenseless indigenous societies is legitimized. And I also came to speak directly to Zionists here and everywhere. We let you into our homes when your own countries tried to murder you, and everyone else turned you away. We fed you, and we clothed you, we gave you shelter, and we shared from the bounty of our land with you. And when the time was right, you kicked us out of our homes and homesick. You kicked us out of our homes and homeland. Then you killed and robbed and burned and looted our lives. You carved out our hearts because it is clear that you do not know how to live in the world without dominating others. You have crossed all lines. You have crossed all lines and nurtured the most vile of human impulses. But the world is finally glimpsing the terror we have endured at your hands for so long, and they are seeing the reality of who you are and who you've always been. They watch in utter astonishment the sadism, the glee, the joy, and the pleasure with which you conduct, watch, and share the daily details of breaking our bodies, our minds, our future, and our past. But no matter what happens from here, no matter what fairy tales you tell yourselves and tell the world, you will never truly belong to that land. You will never understand the sacredness of the olive trees, which you've been cutting down and burning for decades, just... which you've been cutting down and burning for decades, just... Order, order, interrupt the speaker. The secretary has been generous to both sides of the house. Order, order, please. Order, you've made your point of order. Order, the secretary has been generous in extending time to both sides of the house, so I will not be hearing this point of order again. Order, order. Order, order, order, order. The point of order has been heard. I'm not hearing any more about this. Could I listen to Susanna? You will never understand the sacredness of the olive trees, which you've been cutting down and burning for decades, just to spite us, just to break our hearts a little more. No one native to that land would dare do such a thing to the olives. No one who belongs to that region would ever bomb or destroy such ancient heritage as Baalbek or Bittir, or destroy ancient cemeteries as you destroy ours. Like the Anglican cemetery in Jerusalem, or the resting place of the ancient Muslim scholars and warriors in Ma'marillah. Those who come from that land do not desecrate the dead. That's why my family, for centuries, were the caretakers of the Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives, as laborers of faith and care for what we know is part of our ancestry and our story. Your ancestors will always be buried in your actual homelands of Poland, Ukraine, and elsewhere around the world, whence you came. And Yemen. The mythos... The mythos... The mythos and the folklore of the land will always be alien to you. You will never be literate in the sartorial language of the thoughts we wear, which sprang from the land through our foremothers over centuries. Every motif, every design and pattern, speaking to the secrets of local lore, flora, birds, rivers, and wildlife. What your real estate agents call in their high-priced listings, old Arab home charm, will always hold in their stones the stories and memories of our ancestors who built them. The ancient paintings and photos of the land will never contain you. You will never know how it feels to be loved and supported by those who have nothing to gain from you and, in fact, everything to lose. You will never know the feeling of masses all over the world pouring into the streets and stadiums to chant and sing for your freedom. And it is not because you are Jewish as you want everyone to believe, but because you are violent colonizers who think that you're Jewishness. Order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, order, 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